Tuesday, July 28, 2009

Some Health Tips

- Answer the phone by LEFT ear

- Do not drink coffee TWICE a day

- Do not take pills with COOL water

- Do not have HUGE meals after 5pm

- Reduce the amount of TEA you consume

- Reduce the amount of OILY food you consume

- Drink more WATER in the morning, less at night

- Keep your distance from hand phone CHARGERS

- Do not use headphones/earphone for LONG period of time

- Best sleeping time is from 10pm at night to 6am in the morning

- Do not lie down immediately after taking medicine before sleeping

- When battery is down to the LAST grid/bar, do not answer the phone as the radiation is 1000 times

Simple Tips For The Morning

IF YOU"RE LIKE MANY PEOPLE, the start of the day isn't your favourite time. So here are some tips you can sneak into your routine without much effort. Try at least one of these tomorrow.

1. Stretch every extremity for 15 seconds. Try this before you open your eyes. Lift your arm and begin by stretching each finger, then your arm. Repeat with another arm.

2. Then your toes, feet, ankles, and legs. end with a neck and back stretch that propels you out of the bed. You've just limbered up your muscles and joints and enhance the flow of blood through your body, providing an extra shot of oxygen to all your tissue.

3. Brush your tongue for one minute. There's no better way to rid yourself of the morning breath and begin the day minty fresh. Hundreds of bacteria take up residence in your mouth every night, so just brushing your teeth alone isn't going to vanquish them.

4. Drink a glass of water. Remember, you've been fasting all night long, so you wake each morning dehydrated.

5. Check your morning calendar. Have a large calendar or whiteboard in a prominent position in the kitchen. On it, write everything you need to know for that day. Check it each morning as you sip your coffee. It will help you to avoid the stress of forgetting something important.

6. Kiss all the people you love in your house before you leave. Connecting with the ones you love soothes stress and gives a positive start to your day.

Must-Know Info To Help You Get Your Zzz's

Can't sleep? You have plenty of company. About half of all adults experience insomnia on occasion, and 1 in 10 battle insomnia on a regular basis, according to the Cleveland Clinic. If you fall into one of those groups, chances are you're already following the tried-and-true rules for a good night’s sleep. Don't have too much caffeine (especially late in the day), do not exercise late at night, keep your bedroom at a cool, comfortable temperature, and make sure your bed, pillows and linens are comfy. Those are all good tips, but there are lesser-known things you can try to help you get more rest.

1. Set a Bedtime Alert
Most of us already use an alarm to wake up in the morning, but sleep expert Michael Breus, PhD, author of Beauty Sleep: Look Younger, Lose Weight, and Feel Great Through Better Sleep, suggests setting it at night as well. "I tell people to set their alarm for one hour before bedtime, which reminds them to begin what I call the power-down hour," says Dr. Breus, who is also a spokesman for the Zeo Personal Sleep Coach. He says you should spend the first 20 minutes of that hour taking care of any necessary chores (like walking the dog or making your kids' lunches), then spend the next 20 minutes on hygiene (washing up, brushing your teeth, etc.), and save the last 20 minutes before bed for relaxation. You don't necessarily have to meditate, if that doesn't appeal to you; you can also do deep breathing exercises, read a book or even watch a little TV (as long as it's not too stimulating).

2. Don't Clear U’r Mind
Experts say anxiety and depresion top the list of reasons people have trouble sleeping. Part of the problem is that many of us just can't seem to quiet that internal voice that starts rambling on about the worries of the day. Of course, if you can clear your mind, go ahead and do it. But if that's impossible, don't force it--you'll only end up panicking about the fact that you're not sleeping, says Paul McKenna, PhD, author of the soon-to-be-released book I Can Make You Sleep. Instead, try slowing down your thoughts. "Practice saying anything and everything that comes into your mind to yourself in a slow, monotonous, drowsy tone," says Dr. McKenna. It doesn't matter if you're thinking about what to buy tomorrow at the grocery store or how a big presentation at work is going to go. If you slow everything down and talk to yourself in an even tone, you'll find it's that much harder to keep worrying (or stay awake).

3. Count Numbers--Not Sheep
Another great way to quiet those racing thoughts is to count backward from 300 by 3s, says Dr. Breus. Unless you're a math ace, you probably won't be able to focus on anything else while you're doing this, which means you'll end up distracting yourself from your stressful thoughts.

4. Get Up a Half-Hour Earlier
Yes, you read that right! If you're suffering from chronic insomnia, try getting up, for example, at 6:30 instead of your usual 7 wakeup time--no matter what time you fell asleep the night before. You may be extra-sleepy for a little while, but this is hands-down the most effective way to reset u’r body clock, says Dr. McKenna. It works because it teaches your body that it can't catch up on sleep in the morning, so eventually you'll start feeling drowsier earlier in the evening.

5. Consider Seeing a Professional
A sleep psychologist is someone who specializes in gathering info about your emotions and your behaviors specifically as they relate to sleep. Often found at sleep centers, a sleep psychologist can usually help resolve your sleep issues in just four to six sessions, says Joseph Ojile, MD, founder of the Clayton Sleep Institute in St. Louis and a spokesman for the National Sleep Foundation.

6. Don't Worry If You Can't Sleep Right Away
You shouldn't pass out the second your head hits the pillow. If that happens all the time, it's a sign that you're sleep deprived. (Ditto for nodding off during boring meetings and long movies.) Ideally, it should take 15 to 25 minutes from when you lie down to when you drift off to sleep, says Dr. Breus.

7. Go to Bed When You're Tired
If you're having ongoing sleep troubles, don't worry so much about the fact that it's almost midnight and you have to get up in less than seven hours. Forcing yourself to stay in bed when you're not sleepy is just going to contribute to more tossing and turning, says Dr. Ojile. Instead, get up, do something relaxing, and go back to bed whenever you do feel tired. You might end up exhausted the next day (but that was bound to happen either way under these circumstances), and the following night you should have better luck getting to bed earlier.

RS : Zaid Ibrahim - God Favors the Braves

The Preservation of Democracy and the Rule of Law in Malaysia

Speech at The Oxbridge Malaysia Dinner Dialogue Series, hosted by the Oxford & Cambridge Society, Malaysia.
Date: Thursday, 9th of July 2009
Venue: Bankers’ Club, Kuala Lumpur.

Ladies and Gentlemen,
Thank you for your invitation for me to speak today. When I accepted your kind offer, I was ‘party-less’. But things have now changed. I have drawn my line in the sand. And I have chosen sides. Today, I am a proud member of Parti Keadilan Rakyat.

Today I am persuaded by the argument that for Malaysia to have democracy and the Rule of Law, we must have a new government; a viable inclusive government of the people; a government for all Malaysians. Today I am dedicated to the cause of securing the success of Parti Keadilan and Pakatan Rakyat, and ensuring that it galvanises the best talents and ideas to form a robust alternative Malaysian political force to lead the nation, to deliver true integration and nationhood.

Ladies and Gentlemen,
This country was established as a secular multicultural and multi-religious democracy ala the Westminster model. The Constitution however provides for a special position for the Malays and natives of Sabah and Sarawak. They unfortunately omitted to include the Orang Asli in this special category, although they were naturally the first original inhabitants of this country. All they got was a Jabatan Orang Asli. The special provisions for Bumiputras under Article 153 do not make them more special than other citizens, for the fighters of independence did not envisage an Orwellian society where some are more equal than others. The acceptance of equality of rights as citizens is central to the success of our Malaysian journey.

When the PM announced his 1 Malaysia slogan, I asked if that meant he would make a declaration that all Malaysians are equal. The answer was not forthcoming till today. All he said was rights must be understood in the context of responsibilities. Another fuzzy reply. When critics asked if 1 Malaysia meant that the cultural characteristics of the diverse racial groups would be assimilated to a new design called 1 Malaysia, he quickly denied that it was an assimilation plan. So therefore I assume that 1 Malaysia is an affirmation of the rights of ALL the citizens under the Constitution, an affirmation of the multicultural and multi- religious nature of our country; and that the principles of Rukun Negara will continue to be the mainstay of our society.

My detractors say that my views are fodder for the egos and insecurities of those who detest the constitutional position of the Malays. They say I work too hard at being a Malaysian and by doing so, have forgotten my roots and responsibilities to the Malays. And that no right thinking Malay, who truly understands what is at stake, would ever support me. I know my heritage, I know my humble beginnings, and I know my roots and my responsibilities as a Malay. They are wrong. To them, let me say this.

UMNO — being hidden in a cave for so long and concealed from the real world — have almost abandoned the idea of a shared and common nationhood. They believe that for so long as the MCA and the MIC remain with them as partners of convenience, that is sufficient to build a nation. They think it’s sufficient to forge a new nation by electoral arrangements. The MCA and the MIC also think it’s sufficient for nationhood if they remain business partners of UMNO.

A new united Malaysia can only come true when UMNO changes and abandons racial politics and the politics of racial hegemony. Or, when the Malays can be made to understand that patronage, authoritarianism and nationalist extremism, which underpins UMNO’s style of leadership, does more harm to the community and the country than good. That Malays themselves must break from the shackles of narrow nationalism so that they may realise self-actualisation and emancipation. The first is difficult to achieve but I take it as my responsibility to try and achieve the second.

Let me now get into the subject of the speech by giving you an understanding about how UMNO ticks. This, to me, is critical in order for you to appreciate what hope we have for the preservation of the Rule of Law and Democracy in Malaysia.

At the heart of UMNO’s philosophy on leadership is a conviction that there is an inherent, almost ‘divine’ right to retain power at all costs. This is so for two reasons: Firstly, because they assume that they are the only political force, by way of Barisan Nasional, to offer a workable power-sharing leadership of this nation.

And secondly, because they believe that the Malay hegemony that UMNO maintains is necessary to prevent the Malays from becoming marginalised. It is these beliefs that are at the centre of UMNO’s self-indulgent sense of indispensability and self-importance that is today causing them to steer the nation to an authoritarian rule. It is this sense of self-importance that is accountable for the authoritarianism in leadership and government. It is this that has helped justify in their minds their right to quell anyone who threatens the status quo, whether it be a group of politicians or activists protesting against abuses in government, or a group of Indians protesting against their treatment and lack of opportunities, or a previous deputy prime-minister who was no longer in step with the ‘Big Boss’. It does not matter. Self-preservation demands expedience at all costs to resolve any impending threat.

But there is more. Since the hegemony is protected by policies that benefit the elites and other powerful forces, this sense of self-importance becomes even more dangerous. Because it justifies why real checks and balances against governmental abuses can be done away with. It justifies trampling on fundamental safeguards in the Federal Constitution in the last 20 years.

But there is more. If you are on the cause of preserving the rights of the elites, the oligarchs, then it brings you no shame to have a former UMNO lawyer as Chief Justice; in fact, you become proud of that achievement. Even if the Attorney General had committed many errors in the discharge of his functions and duties, a well-known fact amongst the legal fraternity, you will not change him; nor would you change the Chief Of Police despite so many reports of transgressions committed by him. All for the ‘Malay cause’ they would say! And if you are on the Bench writing your judgement on the Perak fiasco; you can tailor it to suit your master’s political interests, and you will be lauded for that. The ‘Malay Cause’ is everything. The Constitution can wait; sound legal reasoning can wait, justice can wait.

But there is more.

Many in UMNO see the hegemony as a ‘be all and end all’, with the power sharing between component parties as being a means to an end. Ketuanan Melayu, a mantra of Malay supremacy, has gained ground instead of receding over time. More accurately it is Ketuanan Elit Melayu as the majority of the Malays have found out to their dismay.

What is the price that we ultimately pay as a nation, if this pernicious doctrine is embraced by many? Clearly to start with, we would continue to be cursed with a non-transparent government without the capability of functioning in a way that respects the rule of law. We will be cursed by having laws that oppress, that curtail and suffocate the basic freedoms of the people. We now have a set of rules for the elites and one for the rakyat, one for Barisan Nasional and one for Pakatan Rakyat.

If the public believes that the government is not beholden to a set of commonly revered values and principles, and its actions are tainted by racial biases, there will continue to be physical and emotional segregation of communities, regardless of how may times we change the slogans to break such divisiveness. The notion of creating a free and democratic Malaysia therefore becomes unachievable.

The ultimate price that the country suffers from the present political culture is that the Malays and non-Malays will continue to be denied a sense of ownership of Malaysia’s nation-building journey. And instead of become partners in this voyage to mature nationhood they continue to bicker and remain suspicious and distrustful of one another. Because of this segregation, the government is unable to set a new direction of the country. Because of racial polarization the people are not ready to accept a multiracial dimension of this country. As a result, we are not able to enact or even discuss comprehensive national policies whether it is regarding the police, education or judicial and civil service reforms .The distrust of the communities will prevent objective appraisals and solutions to the problems. Ethnic interests take precedence over national interests. National interests become a strange and fearful concept. And there will continue to be a brain drain of Malaysian talents who would have decided that they would rather make their home elsewhere. This is a high price that the country can ill-afford to pay given the increasingly challenging global outlook.

Authoritarianism, patronage, and nationalist extremism from any quarter destroy the key ingredients necessary for the Malaysian community to really build on and retain that wealth and knowledge. Competitiveness and true economic and scholastic success, is a function of instilling in the hearts and minds of beneficiaries a set of new behaviours, around the capacity and desire to take personal accountability, to trust one another, to be achievement oriented, to develop a sense of curiousity, a sense a solidarity that go beyond your own ethnic clans and groups; so that together, we are to be able to build this country. We must do away with unprincipled politics, with Machiavellian methods, but instead seek to change with reforms that encourage the development of a viable democracy and a prosperous country for all.

The government says it hopes to amend up to 33 laws, which involve discretionary powers to the Home minister, beginning with the controversial Internal Security Act (ISA), in the next Parliament session. Let’s hope and see if this will bear fruit. Authoritarianism in government will continue albeit in a different guise, unless the whole of the ISA, Official Secrets Act, The Sedition Act and similar such laws are abolished. This would be an example of good governance. However, authoritarian policies will most likely continue while corruption is rampant, when the elites need protection from their misdeeds. Najib will not be able to change any of these.

Perak State Government
The whole cloak and dagger story of intrigue about the overthrow of the Pakatan Rakyat government gave rise to much suspicion about Najib’s style, well before he took office. He could have allayed the fears that he would not be one to resort to under-the-belt tactics in his leadership, by calling for fresh elections. Najib’s unwillingness to dissolve the Perak Assembly has gotten the country deeper into a political quagmire. By doing so he will also help the Federal Court judges from having to come up with a convoluted legal reasoning, like that of the Court of Appeal, to please the Prime Minister.

Malay Unity Talk
This is again Najib’s idea to strengthen himself. If PAS were to support UMNO under the guise of a unity government, a viable alternative to Barisan Nasional at the next elections will be seriously undermined. Najib wanted the internal difficulties between Pakatan Rakyat parties to continue and fester as the mainstream media went full steam ahead to ensure Pakatan’s demise. Let me assure you that that such a scenario will not happen. Pakatan will only get stronger. Pakatan has its weaknesses but we do not have the culture of hegemony. We do not suppress dissent. Hence you will hear of occasional disagreements. You will hear of occasional flare-ups; but PAS, Keadilan and DAP are committed to finding ways to strengthen their partnership. They will not break up. Instead, they will form a formidable coalition that will be ready to provide an alternative government to the people.

Today, Malaysians are suffering the deleterious effect of a stagnating world economy, and the GDP will contract by 4.4 per cent according to the World Bank. FDI’s continue to fall, while talent is being lost. The standard of education and the skill sets, including the command of English, necessary for the work force to remain globally competitive continues to fall. Now after spending billions on teaching Science and Maths in English in the last 6 years, the Government has announced the reversal of the policy effective 2012. One wonders if the farcical National Service programme, which is neither a national service nor an educational programme will be scrapped too. .

Crimes and home security issues have increased since 2003 and these remain major concerns of the people. In the 1998 case of Anwar Ibrahim, allegations by the investigating officer himself of tampering with evidence by the IGP and the AG have not been answered satisfactorily. Of course the government had formed a certain panel comprising three ex-judges deliberating in a secret place. Not surprisingly the Panel cleared them. The findings of the Royal Commission in the Lingam case have not been acted upon in satisfactory manner. And many high profile cases reported to the Malaysian Anti-Corruption Commission (MACC) remain unattended. Such is the state of the Rule of Law in Malaysia. Will Najib attend to these issues? Certainly not.

All he can do is to announce the scrapping of some outdated policies that he had little choice but to do it anyway, as part of the demands of the international and ASEAN trade agreements. After decades of the NEP, the 30% equity requirement in companies listed amongst the 27 services sub-sectors are taken away. Also, the Foreign Investment Committee regulating investments in Malaysia, have been scrapped. The reasoning of the government, which is disputed by many Malays, is that the Bumiputra participation in the relevant services sub-sectors are satisfactory and hence the removal of the quota requirement. Whilst the move has made Najib popular in the short term, it will come back to haunt him. Economics and social justice require him to address the larger question of disparities in income of the rakyat. The plight and grievances of ordinary people will not be redressed by one or two populist policies.

On the question of the preservation of the Rule of Law and Democracy, he did nothing and probably will continue to do nothing. He should have acted as if he has only 100 days before his reign comes to an end. He should have embraced Roosevelt’s dictum, ‘There is nothing to fear but fear itself’, and embarked on far reaching policies to give back judicial power to the Courts, to give back integrity, trust and respectability to governmental institutions like the Police, the Attorney General’s Office, the Election Commission; that of which Malaysia desperately needs. In doing so he can show the people he was prepared to sacrifice his neck if that is required of him.

He should not have started the Perak debacle but since it had already got under way, he should have had the courage to win back the support of the people by allowing for the dissolution of the Legislative Assembly. Instead of embarking on the inane idea of UMNO-PAS unity — confirming the suspicion that he is like his Deputy who only understands UMNO-PAS unity at the expense of everything else — Najib should have called for a national debate amongst all leaders of major political parties for a serious discussion on key and core values for the country.

The problems in our country are not race or religion based, but BN has worked very hard to make them so. It’s always about the Rakyat against the elites or the powerful oligarchs that run and control the country’s institutions and wealth. The Rakyat, for too long have becomes pawns in this political game where the race and religious issues are being played out to divide them.

Najib should have started his administration with pushing through a Race Relations Act that will punish racism and racist speeches and writings from all quarters, even if it’s from leaders of his own party and from Utusan Malaysia. The single greatest impediment to Malaysians being united and working together for the common good, is racist politics in Malaysia. Racism here is not the same kind that the Anglo Saxon whites have over blacks and coloureds (or vice versa) for many years. It’s not the apartheid kind of racism where whites generally believe they are superior to blacks and coloureds in genetics and all spheres of life. Our racism is driven more by ethnic distrust and ethnic rivalry for the economic cake. They are mainly economic and cultural in nature, based on the fear that the wealth of the country will be taken away by the Chinese, and vice versa. But it’s just as divisive and dangerous. It refers to both institutionalised racism and those exhibited by individuals. Malaysia needs to combat this problem because it’s particularly acute. Because we have three major races that did not have the luxury of time for natural assimilation or the time to gel and live in harmony, we need legislation and governmental support to push through the unity factors and manage the divisive factors found in the community.

To bring about a truly united 1 Malaysia, our PM must not always refer to the deprivation of the Malays suffered under the British. No amount of wallowing of the past can change history, nor can we just tell the Chinese and the Indians how grateful they should be for events taking place 100 years ago. Equally, he cannot just be happy that he has the MCA and MIC taking care of the non-Malays. He has to do more to make sure the non-Malays are equally responsible and generous with the Malays. Will they open their businesses to the Malays? Will they give credit on the same terms they do to their own clans?

But at the same time the people, including the Malays, must be convinced that democracy and a functioning bureaucracy is good for them. That they have a better chance of realizing their potentials and benefiting from their rights and privileges under a government that respects just laws. They must resist corruption by all means at their disposal. The notion of Bangsa Malaysia will not detract or take away anything from them, but instead they become a part of a larger and more diverse community where they too can experience the generousity, beauty, strength, and richness of Malaysian cultures. They will benefit from the solidarity of people from all walks of life, and their worldview will change to make them stronger and more confident of themselves.

A PM of this country must not succumb to the idea that force and repression will prevail over the people’s will. The PM of this country must not suffer from the delusion that the Police, the Army, the Courts, the Election Commission and the Attorney General could strike fear in the hearts of the people to the extent that they will retreat. No leader in ancient and modern times has survived the outrage of the masses. Today we have witnessed a new sense of outrage; outrage against the abuse of power, against inequality, outrage against the continued persecution of Anwar Ibrahim, and outrage against the policies of divide and rule.

Ladies and Gentlemen,
The winds of change have never blown so strong. Today, the rakyat has spoken and they want their voices heard. They want a new beginning, so that this country, which we all call home, will be transformed into a dynamic, open and vibrant democratic sanctuary. A sanctuary where we live without fear of police harassment, without fear of wearing black or yellow, without fear of detention without trial, without the nausea of reading newspapers whose editors have to toe the line to keep the papers alive. We will make this country such that we have room and space for all of us to have our dreams and hopes come true.

But the window of opportunity has opened for one central reason. And that is because the people now have a choice; between the establishment that has led the country over the last 50 years, or a viable alternative in Pakatan Rakyat that can inclusively carry the hopes and aspirations of all Malaysians, no matter they be Malay, Chinese or Indian. For without this alternative, the self indulgent and delusional sense of self-importance of UMNO and its cohorts in Barisan Nasional will continue to impose itself.

No doubt, Keadilan is a new party, and Pakatan Rakyat is in its infancy, and the coming together of different political parties to find a common thread with which to build meaningful solidarity to work together, is a long and arduous journey. Let us not kid ourselves. Many challenges lie ahead to make it a truly viable alternative political force to Barisan Nasional and acceptable choice to all Malaysians. And the traps and snares to trip up this fledgling alternative are being laid everywhere; the Unity talks being just one.

My colleagues and I in Pakatan Rakyat must be cautious, and yet courageous, patient yet purposeful, tolerant yet principled, to ensure that Pakatan Rakyat steers clear of these traps, and that we build a truly robust and secure alternative from which the electorate can choose to form government. We must desist from any temptation to go back to the ways of the past, in which opposition parties represent their own narrow factional interests, only to grant a walkover victory to the status quo.

At for Parti Keadilan Rakyat, it must soldier on come what may, as a party that will protect the people regardless of race and ethnicity. The Special position of the Bumiputras and Islam as mandated by the Constitution will be honoured but will do so in an open transparent manner; as a democratic multiracial party that observes the Rule of Law will be obliged to do. Keadilan will not champion racial politics and will not seek racial hegemony. We are a lot more humble than UMNO. But we will be fearless in the defence of the rights of the Rakyat against powerful oligarchs and vested interest groups. We will make the public institutions in this country respectable and full of integrity. These institutions will regain the respect and the trust of the people.

Ladies and Gentlemen,
We do not live in a world of black and white. We live in a world full of different colours, shades and textures. No truer is this than in Malaysia. I can stand here and tell you of my immense sense of pride and affection in being a Malaysian, just as I can do the same about being Malay. And I believe that we all are just as capable of feeling that way about being Malaysian, and yet similarly proud of being Malay, Chinese, Indian, Kadazan or Iban, no matter who we are.

And it is this mix of seemingly conflicting values, which when blended and tempered with courage, tolerance, good faith, and framed by universally held moral and civic values, that makes the canvas of Malaysia so rich, so powerful and so full of potential. Let us preserve this living piece of art, and ensure that it continues to beautify and enrich our personal lives, as private citizens.

For if we fail, then the providence with which we are blessed today to make a breakthrough change, will disappear as quickly as it came, and we will be back to square one. Our future and that of our children and their children, depends on our success. Failure is not an option. God favours the brave.

Thank You.

Wednesday, July 22, 2009

Can I Control My Dreams?

I Believe I Can Fly
Can I teach myself to control my dreams?
By Mason CurreyPosted Friday, July 17, 2009, at 10:23 AM ET

The history of dream interpretation goes back to the very earliest human civilizations—the ancient Greek diviner Artemidorus put together a five-volume treatise on the subject about 17 centuries before Freud—but I like to think that it's reached new heights this year at my apartment. My girlfriend, you see, has a gift. Every morning, without fail, she awakes with exhaustively detailed memories of multiple dreams—which, naturally, are a favorite topic of speculation and debate around the breakfast table.

Unfortunately, it's a one-sided conversation. I'm one of those people who almost never remembers his dreams. I know I have them—the alarm clock often jolts me out of a vivid scenario—but by the time I lurch out of bed, poof, they're gone. And a few months ago, I started to feel left out. What's going on in my head every night that I'm missing out on?

Some Google sleuthing yielded a couple of unappealing remedies. There's a pill that is supposed to boost dream recall—but it looks about as trustworthy as those "natural male enhancement" offers that clog my spam folder. More promising was the idea of a progressive-wake alarm clock, which gradually rouses you through lights and sounds that increase in intensity over the course of a half-hour. Apparently, this gentle awakening is better for remembering dreams than, say, the aggressive marimbas of my iPhone alarm. But at $70, I wasn't about to find out.

Besides, as often happens to me, I was beginning to be distracted from my initial goal in favor of a much more ambitious and quirky one. My dream-memory searches kept turning up something called "lucid dreaming"—the idea that some sleepers will become conscious during a dream and then actually be able to "control" the dream scenario. Imagine the possibilities! Numerous lucid dreamers report being able to fly at will; others describe a general feeling of euphoria and well-being. One woman experienced her first lucid dream as "a blissful sensation of blending and melting with colors and light" that grew in intensity, "opening up into a total orgasm." This I had to try!

The above description comes from Stephen LaBerge and Howard Rheingold's 1990 book Exploring the World of Lucid Dreaming, which I picked up from the New Age section of my local Barnes & Noble one day. Between the book and a handful of Web sites, I cobbled together a three-step plan for lucid-dream mastery. I also set a goal: I decided that I would consider my experiment a success when I could will myself to take dream flight. Although, really, why stop there? Why not wing it over to Giza, Egypt, whack a few tennis balls against the pyramids, guzzle a bottle of Château Lafite Rothschild, and race dune buggies along the banks of the Nile?

If this all sounds nuts—well, I was thinking the same thing. So I called up Jerome Siegel, the director of UCLA's Sleep Research Center and an expert in REM sleep behavior, to make sure I wasn't embarking on a fool's errand. Siegel said that while he had never experienced a lucid dream himself, he finds it plausible that some people do have them. "You can control your daydreams," he said. "Why not your night dreams?" That was good enough for me.

Step 1: Keep a Dream Journal
First, I had to achieve my initial goal of simply remembering my dreams—otherwise, how would I know whether I was having lucid episodes? (Plus, getting a handle on your typical dream subjects becomes useful for inciting lucidity—more on this later.) My reading suggested that I could ignore pharmaceuticals and expensive gadgets in favor of a much simpler method: keeping a bedside dream journal. So I installed a nice aqua-blue Moleskine notebook next to my pillow and set to work. The key, I discovered, is to write down dreams as soon as you wake up, before the usual parade of morning thoughts ("What's for breakfast?" "Would anyone notice if I wore the same shirt two days in a row?") elbow the fragile memories aside.

Lo and behold, it worked! Within a few weeks, I'd written down a dozen dreams—more than enough to finally hold my own at breakfast-table interpretation sessions. Before I knew it, I was ready to move on to more advanced stuff.

Step 2: Identify Dream Signs and Perform Reality Checks
This is where it starts to get tricky. In theory, the way to train yourself to become conscious during a dream is to get in the habit of regularly questioning whether you are awake or dreaming. At first, this feels stupid: Obviously, you know that you're awake. But the point is to make it a reflex, and particularly during situations that seem bizarre or surreal, since dreams are full of them. (I find that the New York City subway is an especially fertile testing ground.) Eventually, this questioning should happen while you're actually asleep—and, bam, you're lucid dreaming and can go about fulfilling your fantasies of sleeping with supermodels; punching out your boss; eating a really, really big pizza; or whatever.

Common reality checks include things like flipping a light switch on and off (apparently there's no artificial lighting in dreams); looking at a piece of text or a digital clock, looking away, and then looking back (in a dream, the letters or numbers should rearrange themselves); or simply pinching yourself. I picked what seemed like the least conspicuous test: looking carefully at my hand. According to wikiHow's impressively detailed instructions, a carefully studied dream hand will prove to have more or fewer than five fingers. Creepy, yes, but at least I could do this on the subway or in a meeting without looking like a lunatic.

While I got in the habit of testing reality, I also set about trying to identify my personal "dream signs." These are recurring circumstances or settings that you should pay particular attention to while awake. For instance, if you keep dreaming about elevators, then every time you get in an elevator during the day, you should perform a reality check—thereby increasing your chances of doing the same thing in a dream.

Initially, my dreams didn't seem to have much in common, except perhaps a somewhat depressing number of pop-culture references. (In my first recorded dream, I was attending a day camp aboard a Star Trek-style spaceship; in another, I was studying photos of Elvis—only to realize that his signature hairdo was actually a toupee!) I did find one genuine dream sign, however: bathrobes. More than once, I had variations of the classic naked-in-the-classroom anxiety dream that involved me being out in public in just a bathrobe. But let's not think too hard about what that means and move on to the final, and most challenging, step.

Step 3: Redistribute Your Sleep
For the first month or so of my experiment, everything was going according to plan—I was writing down dreams in my journal and performing regular reality checks. But I still hadn't experienced the slightest hint of lucidity. And as the weeks wore on, my resolve started to slacken. Work became unusually busy and I began neglecting my dream journal, forgetting to do the reality checks, and generally feeling frustrated with the whole experiment. Lucid dreaming seemed destined to join my personal graveyard of overambitious projects: the theremin I tried to build after high school, the novel I tried to write after college, the 100 pushups program I've been trying to follow for the past several months.

I was also, frankly, avoiding Step 3. According to LaBerge and Rheingold, the most reliable method for inducing a lucid dream is to "redistribute" your sleep. It works like this: Set an alarm to wake you two hours earlier than normal, "go about your business" for those two hours, and finally go back to sleep for at least two more hours. The idea is that this delayed final stretch of sleep is particularly rich with REM activity. When I called up professor Siegel at UCLA, he confirmed that this method had some validity—late-morning dreams are typically the longest and most intense.

But, man, what a hassle. I finally worked up the motivation to try it one Tuesday night, setting my alarm for 4 a.m. (ugh). The next morning, after a good half-hour of riding the snooze button, I dragged myself out of bed and proceeded to putter about the house in the dark. But without my usual two cups of coffee—which I figured would prevent me from going back to sleep later—I couldn't manage to do much other than stare at the wall, unload half the dishwasher, and aimlessly surf the Internet.

Jumping back into bed at 6 was bliss. And waking up to full sunshine at 8 felt wonderfully lazy. If I could actually do some work during those first two hours, I think I could get used to this schedule—it combines early-a.m. productivity with the delicious feeling of sleeping in. Getting out of bed twice in one morning, however, is a bitch. (I was also a good 20 minutes late for work.) As for the dreams, I definitely felt as if I had more of them during the delayed sleep—but, alas, none were lucid.

For the next two mornings, I tried, and failed, to rouse myself again at 4 a.m. Finally, the weekend rolled around and my schedule allowed a little more flexibility. On Sunday morning, I woke myself up at 6, did some reading and light housework, and then spent several minutes, as LaBerge and Rheingold suggest, picturing myself having a lucid dream. I closed my eyes and imagined stepping off a dining-room chair—but instead of landing on the floor, I hover midair, levitating around the room like David Blaine.

At 8, I crawled back in bed and drifted into a light sleep. Like last time, the delayed sleep was rich with dreams. In one, I'm walking up a path into the lobby of an old apartment building, but the door is blocked by a couple in the midst of a heavy make-out session. Oops. I walk to the next building—this one is definitely where I live—but as I'm going for the door, a very tall man grabs my shoulder and spins me around. Behind him is another, even taller man. They're accosting me for some reason that is obscure now. But in the dream, instead of being threatening, the men seem silly. So silly, in fact, that the situation finally trips my reality-check reflex. I don't need to stare at my hand: Obviously, I'm dreaming. This is it! I look at the very tall man in front of me and I think: Now's your chance—take flight! And, sure enough, I begin slowly to float up off the ground, until I'm up to the tall man's shoulders, and then to his face, and then I'm looking down at him from above. I feel a suffusing sense of giddiness, a kind of euphoria even, as I rise up into the sky, accelerating rapidly, the ground disappearing far below me.

And then I woke up. I tried to go back to sleep, to get back to the dream, but it was impossible—I was wide awake. I felt great, too. And now I can happily report that this lucid dreaming thing is for real, although it's not exactly as I imagined it. I felt capable of moving about within the dream—and taking flight was easy, natural even—but it wasn't as if I could suddenly plant myself in the final seconds of the Super Bowl and mount a game-winning drive or steal a car and go joyriding along the coast. It was a much more diffuse feeling, closer to an out-of-body experience than hanging out on the holodeck.

Granted, I'm still an amateur. Despite my high hopes to the contrary, in the weeks since that first lucid dream, I have failed to experience any new episodes. I'm largely to blame: I haven't managed to drag myself out of bed early enough to repeat the experiment under ideal conditions. And, frankly, it doesn't seem worth it. Lucid dreaming was nice, and maybe it gets better, but it hardly seems like something that's warrants rearranging your life.

Later on the same morning of my brief lucid dream, I downloaded Bob Dylan's new album. In the song "I Feel a Change Comin' On," Dylan neatly sums up my attitude toward the whole experience.

Well now, what's the use in dreamin'?
You got better things to do.
Dreams never did work for me anyway.
Even when they did come true.

Monday, July 13, 2009

The 7 Secrets of Highly Successful Students
By Don Asher

What does it cost a student to go to college without any idea of how to manage the process? It may cost a lot. Students who have knowledgeable parents or older siblings to guide them can finesse the process, earn higher grades, get along better with faculty, solve problems with the business office, and so on. But students who are the first in their family to go to college have no one to guide them, and their mistakes can cost them that awesome post-college job, or access to the best graduate schools.

At a recent conference, I sat at a table full of staffers from various undergraduate research programs. We got to musing about how nice it would be if all students knew the insider tips and techniques the best students seem to soak up from the ether.

This is not about being smart. This is about being savvy. So from our notes scribbled on a stack of paper napkins, here is what savvy students know that others seem to miss:

1. Grades are engineered, not "earned"
A savvy student wants to earn as many A's as possible, as few B's as possible, and avoid C's at all costs.

So how do you engineer your GPA? Class-shop at the beginning of each semester. Sign up for more classes than you can possibly take, and drop boring or difficult professors sometime in the first two weeks. (It won't show up on your transcripts.) If you get a bad exam or quiz score, ask the professor what you can do to earn extra credit. Reading an optional book, writing a one- or two-page paper, or even just helping the prof out with mundane tasks such as setting up for class can push you back into the A column.

If you're not earning the grade you want in a class, negotiate an "incomplete" grade, then do whatever it takes to get that I turned into an A or at least a B. (Be warned, some profs won't give an A on an incomplete, no matter what you do). Or, worst case scenario, drop the class before finals. You don't want to do this a lot, but a "withdrawal" or two stamped on your transcript is much better than a low GPA.

Get involved with study groups, and your GPA will likely go up. Take a light load during the semester when you have a known difficult class, such as organic chemistry. And finally, be sure to take enough of a class load that you can ditch a bad class without dropping below minimum credits, especially if you're on financial aid or your parents are strict about the four-year plan.

2. Visit professors outside of class
Professors are people, too. They worry about being liked, whether they're gaining a few pounds and whether or not they're good at their jobs. So go visit them. Ask them for clarification of some point they made in class. Try out your paper or lab ideas on them to see if you're headed in the right direction. Ask them the best way to study for the exams.

It's probably not a great idea to focus on grades only, as in "What do I need to do to earn an A in your class?" Get your professors to help you be a better student. And maybe ask, "Have you lost a little weight?"

3. Prerequisites matter
Naïve students always want to go around prerequisites and take any class that interests them. This is unwise. Prerequisites are in place to make sure you have the skills you need to do well in a class, so skipping them is perilous. Don't take "Population Biology" until you've had "Math 321" or you'll be sorry. If you think you don't need the prereq, contact the professor and find out before you sign up for the class.

4. Internships are required, not optional
The norm now is two internships, not just one, so you have to build them into your summers starting at the end of the sophomore year. Recruiters look at students without internships as deficient, no matter how strong the GPA and rigor of the curriculum. Earning money on a fishing boat may be great for the first summer, but those other two summers need to be used for internships to support your post-college career or grad school plans. You can find a paid internship if you need the money, or a part-time internship combined with a part-time job. Savvy students know this, and un-savvy students go fishing.

5. Study abroad in the sophomore year, not the junior
The junior year is a time to concentrate on your major and get the most out of your department. If you're abroad, you can't do that. Plus, some students get distracted by drinking in Naples, or that cute French guy or gal in Nice, and blow their GPA during the study abroad. Grad schools and employers care most about your GPA in the final two years of college, and if you go abroad in the junior year those grades are prominent. Finally -- and don't tell anyone -- but most sophomores aren't 21 yet. In most of the world, the drinking age, official and unofficial, is much younger than that. So...

6. Read your handbook and catalog
How many credits make a full-time course load? How many classes do you have to take to major in X or minor in Y or double major in X and Y? What's the last date to drop a class without it appearing on your transcript? Is there any place to get a short-term, emergency loan? If you retake a class, do both grades appear, or does the first grade disappear? These are the kinds of questions that your catalog and handbook answer.

Here's a massive tip: The rules in the course catalog that's published when you begin your college career often apply until you graduate, even if the rules change. So keep that catalog! Don't rely on your adviser or your professors for rules and regulations. They might not know them very well anyway, and you'll pay the penalty for following bad advice.

7. It takes the entire senior year to get launched from college
No matter what your major, the career center can help you get a job or apply to graduate school. Naïve students don't worry about life after college until they've graduated. They miss a huge chance. You're only a college senior once in your life. Participate in the on-campus interview process, because it's part of the college experience and it's there for every undergraduate. English majors and philosophy majors can get great jobs out of college, but not if they're hiding out in the game room dissecting Kant and Bukowski and griping about how nobody gives them a chance. Spend the entire senior year making sure that come June, you know where you're going. That's what the savvy students do.

About the Author:
Donald Asher is the author of 10 books on careers and higher education, including Cool Colleges for the Hyper-Intelligent, Self-Directed, Late Blooming and Just Plain Different and Graduate Admissions Essays, the best-selling guide to the graduate admissions process. He speaks at over 100 college and university campuses every year, and invites your comments at don@donaldasher.com.

Sunday, July 12, 2009

It's Not About 100 Days - KuLi

It’s not about 100 days, it’s about the generations to come – Tengku Razaleigh

JULY 10 – You have asked me to talk about Najib’s First 100 Days, and this lecture is in a series called Straight Talk. I shall indeed speak plainly and directly.

Let me begin by disappointing you. I am not going to talk about Najib’s First 100 Days because it makes little sense to do so. Our governments are brought to power for five-year terms through general elections.

The present government was constituted after March 8, 2008 and Datuk Seri Najib Tun Razak’s tenure as Prime Minister resulted from a so-called “smooth transfer of power” between the previous Prime Minister and himself that took a somewhat unsmooth twelve months to carry out.

During those months, Najib took on the de facto leadership role domestically while Abdullah warmed our international ties. The first 100 days of this government went by unremarked sometime in June last year.

Not only is it somewhat meaningless to talk about Najib’s First 100 days, such talk buys into a kind of political silliness that we are already too prone to. It has us imagine that the present government started work on April 2 and forget that it commenced work on March 8 last year and must be accountable for all that has been done or not done since then.

It would have us forget that in our system of parliamentary, constitutional democracy, governments are brought to power at general elections and must be held accountable for promises made at these elections.

It leads us to forget that these promises, set out in election manifestos, are undertaken by political parties, not individuals, and are not trifles to be forgotten when there is a change of individual.

It is important that we remember these things, cultivate a more critical recollection of them, and learn to hold our leaders accountable to them, so that we are not perpetually chasing the slogan of the day, whether this be Vision 2020, Islam Hadhari or 1 Malaysia.

Slogans without substance undermine trust. That substance is made up of policies that have been thought through and are followed through. That substance is concrete and provided by results we can measure.

Whether or not some of our leaders are ready for it, we are maturing as a democracy. We are beginning to evaluate our governments more by the results they deliver over time than by their rhetoric.

As our increasingly well-educated and well-travelled citizens apply this standard, they force our politicians to think before they speak, and deliver before they speak again.

As thinking Malaysians we should look for the policies, if any, behind the slogans. What policies are still in place and which have we abandoned? What counts as policy and who is consulted when it is made? How is a proposal formulated and specified and approved before it becomes policy, and by whom? What are the roles of party, cabinet, King and Parliament in this process?

Must we know what it means before it is instituted or do we have to piece it together with guesswork? Do we even have a policy process?

The mandate Najib has taken up is the one given to Barisan Nasional under Abdullah Badawi’s leadership.

BN was returned to power in the 12th General Elections on a manifesto promising Security, Peace and Prosperity. It is this manifesto against which the present administration undertook to be judged.

The present government inherits projects and policies such as Islam Hadhari and Vision 2020. If these are still in place, how do they relate to each other and to 1 Malaysia? How do we evaluate the latest slogan against the fact of constitutional failure in Perak, the stench of corruption in the PKFZ project and reports of declining media freedom?

What do we make of cynical political plays on racial unity against assurances that national unity is the priority?

It is not amiss to ask about continuity. We were told that the reason why we had to have a yearlong “transfer of power” to replace the previous Prime Minster was so that we could have such policy continuity.

The issues before the present BN government are not transformed overnight with a change of the man at the top.

Let me touch on one issue every Malaysian is concerned with: security. The present government made the right move in supporting the establishment of the Royal Commission to Enhance the Operations and Management of the Police in 2004. Responding to the recommendations of the Royal Commission, the government allocated the PDRM RM8 billion to upgrade itself under the 9th Malaysia Plan, a tripling of their allocation under the 8th Malaysia Plan.

Despite the huge extra amounts we are spending on policing, there has been no dent on our crime problem, especially in the Johor Baru area, where it continues to make a mockery of our attempts to develop Iskandar as a destination for talent and investment.

Despite spending all this money, we have just been identified as a major destination for human trafficking by the US State Department’s 2008 Human Rights Watch. We are now in the peer group of Sudan, Saudi Arabia and North Korea for human trafficking.

All over the world, the organized cross-border activity of human trafficking feeds on the collusion of crime syndicates and corrupt law enforcement and border security officials.

Security is about more than just catching the criminals out there. It is also about the integrity of our own people and processes. It is above all about uprooting corruption and malpractice in government agencies, especially in law enforcement agencies.

I wish the government were as eager to face the painful challenge of reform as to spend money.

The key recommendation of the Royal Commission was the formation of an Independent Police Complaints and Misconduct Commission. That has been shelved.

Royal Commissions and their findings are not to be trifled with and applied selectively. Their findings and recommendations are conveyed in a report submitted to the King, who then transmits them to the Government.

Their recommendations have the status of instructions from the King. The recommendations of the Royal Commission on the Police have not been properly implemented.

The Royal Commission of Inquiry into the Lingam Video clip might as well not have been conducted, because its findings have been completely ignored.

Both Commissions investigated matters fundamental to law and order in this country: the capability and integrity of the police and of the judiciary.

No amount of money thrown at the PDRM or on installing CCTVs can make up for what happens to our security when our law enforcers and our judges are compromised.

Two Royal Commissions undertaken under the present government unearthed deep issues in the police and the judiciary and made recommendations with the King’s authority behind them, and they have been ignored.

The public may wonder if the government is committed to peace and security if it cannot or will not address institutional rot in law enforcement and the rule of law.

The reform of the police and the judiciary has been on the present government’s To Do list for more than five years.

I want to reflect now upon where we stand today and how we might move forward. We are truly at a turning point in our history. Our political landscape is marked with unprecedented uncertainty. Nobody knows what the immediate future holds for us politically.

This is something very new for Malaysians. The inevitability of a strong BN government figured into all political and economic calculations and provided a kind of stability to our expectations.

Now that this is gone, and perhaps gone for good, we need a new basis for long-term confidence.

No matter who wins the next General Election, it is likely to be with a slim majority. Whatever uncertainty we now face is likely to persist unless some sort of tiebreaker is found which gathers the overwhelming support of the people.

We need to trust less in personalities and more in policies, look less to politics and more to principle, less to rhetoric and more to tangible outcomes, less to the government of the day and more to enduring institutions, first among which must be the Federal Constitution.

We need an unprecedented degree of openness and honesty about what our issues are and what can be done; about who we are, and where we want to go. We need straight talk rather than slogans. We need to be looking the long horizon rather than occupying ourselves with media-generated milestones.

Those of us who think about the future of Malaysia have never been so restless. The mould of our past is broken, and there is no putting it back together again, but a new mould into which to pour our efforts is not yet cast. This is a time to think new thoughts, and to be courageous in articulating them.

Such is the case not just in politics but also in how the government manages the economy.

In a previous speech, I argued that for our economy to escape the “middle income trap” we need to make a developmental leap involving transformative improvements in governance and a successful reform of our political system.

I said the world recession is a critical opportunity for us to re-gear and re-tool the Malaysian economy because it is a challenge to take bold, imaginative measures.

We must make that leap or remain stuck as low achievers who were once promising.

We are in a foundational crisis both of our politics and of our economy. In both dimensions, the set plays of the past have taken us as far as they can, and can take us no further. Politically and economically, we have arrived at the end of the road for an old way of managing things. The next step facing us is not a step but a leap, not an addition to what we have but a shift that changes the very ground we play on.

This is not the first time in our brief history as an independent nation that we have found ourselves at an impasse and come up with a ground-setting policy, a new framework, a leap into the future. The race riots of 1969 ended the political accommodation and style of the first era of our independence. Parliament was suspended and a National Operations Council put in place under the leadership of the late Tun Razak. He formed a National Consultative Council to study what needed to be done. The NCC was a non-partisan body which included everyone. It was the NCC that drafted and recommended the New Economic Policy. This was approved and implemented by the Government.

The NEP was a 20-year programme. It had a national, and not a racial agenda to eradicate poverty and address structural inequality in the form of the identification of race with occupation. It aimed to remove a colonial era distribution of economic roles in our economy. Nowhere in its terms is any race specified, nor does it privilege one race over another. Its aim was unity.

The NEP’s redistributive measures drew on principles of social justice, not claims of racial privilege. This is an important point. The NEP was acceptable to all Malaysians because its justification was universal rather than sectarian, ethical rather than opportunistic. It appealed to Malaysians’ sense of social justice and not to any notion of racial privilege.

We were devising a time-limited policy for the day, in pursuit of a set of measurable outcomes. We were not devising a doctrine for an eternal socio-economic arrangement. Like all policies, it was formulated to solve a finite set of problems, but through an enduring concern with principles such as equity and justice. I happen to think it was the right thing for the time, and it worked in large measure.

Curiously, although the policy was formulated within the broad consensus of the NCC for a finite period, in our political consciousness it has grown into an all-encompassing and permanent framework that defines who we are.

We continue to act and talk as if it is still in place. The NEP ended in 1991 when it was terminated and replaced by the New Development Policy, but 18 years on, we are still in its hangover and speak confusingly about liberalising it.

The NEP was necessary and even visionary in 1971, but it is a crushing indictment of our lack of imagination, of the mediocrity of our leadership, that two decades after its expiry, we talk as if it is the sacrosanct centre of our socio-political arrangement, and that departures from it are big strides.

The NEP is over, and we have not had the courage to tell people this. The real issue is not whether the NEP is to be continued or not, but whether we have the imagination to come up with something which better serves our values and objectives, for our own time.

Policies are limited mechanisms for solving problems. They become vehicles for abuse when they stay on past their useful life. Like political or corporate leaders who have stayed too long, policies that overrun their scope or time become entrenched in abuse, and confuse the means that they are with the ends that they were meant to serve.

The NEP was formulated to serve the objective of unity. That objective is enduring, but its instrument can come up for renewal or replacement. Any organisation, let alone a country, that fails to renew a key policy over 40 years in a fast-moving world is out of touch and in trouble.

There is a broad consensus in our society that while the NEP has had important successes, it has now degenerated into a vehicle for abuse and inefficiency.

Neither the Malays nor the non-Malays approve of the way it now works, although there would be multiracial support for the objectives of the NEP, as originally understood.

The enthusiasm with which recent reforms have been greeted in the business and international communities suggests that the NEP is viewed as an obstacle to growth. This was not what it was meant to be.

It was designed to promote a more equitable and therefore a more harmonious society. Far from obstructing growth, the stability and harmony envisaged by the NEP would were to be the basis for long term prosperity.

Over the years, however, and alongside its successes, the NEP has been systematically appropriated by a small political and business class to enrich itself and perpetuate its power. This process has corrupted our society and our politics. It has corrupted our political parties. Rent-seeking practices have choked the NEP’s original intention of seeking a more just and equitable society, and have discredited the broad nation-building enterprise which this policy was meant to serve.

Thus, while the NEP itself has expired, we live under the hangover of a policy which has been skewed from its intent. Instead of coming up with better policy tools in pursuit of the aims behind the NEP, a set of vested interests rallies to defend the mere form of the NEP and to extend its bureaucratic sway through a huge apparatus of commissions, agencies, licenses and permits while its spirit has been evacuated.

In doing so they have clouded the noble aims of the NEP and racialised its originally national and universal concerns.

We must break the stranglehold of communal politics and racial policy if we want to be a place where an economy driven by ideas and skills can flourish. This is where our daunting economic and political challenges can be addressed in one stroke.

We can do much better than cling to the bright ideas of 40 years ago as if they were dogma, and forget our duty to come up with the bright ideas for our own time.

The NEP, together with the Barisan coalition, was a workable solution for Malaysia 40 years ago. But 40 years ago, our population was about a third of what it is today, our economy was a fraction the size and complexity that it is now, and structured around the export of tin and rubber rather than around manufacturing, services and oil and gas.

Forty years ago we were in the midst of the Cold War, and the Vietnam War raged to the north.

Need I say we live in a very different world today? We need to talk to the facebook generation of young Malaysians connected to global styles and currents of thought. We face global epidemics, economic downturns and planetary climate change.

We can do much better than to cling to the outer form of an old policy. Thinking in these terms only gives us the negative policy lever of “relaxing” certain rules, when what we need is a new policy framework, with 21st century policy instruments.

We have relaxed some quotas. We have left Approved Permits and our taxi licensing system intact. We have left the apparatus of the NEP, and a divisive mindset that has grown up around it, in place.

Wary of well-intentioned statements with no follow-through, the business community has greeted these reforms cautiously, noting that a mountain of other reforms are needed.

One banker was quoted in a recent news article as saying: “All the reforms need to go hand in hand. Why is there an exodus of talent and wealth? It is because people do not feel confident with the investment climate, security conditions and the government in Malaysia. Right now, many have lost faith in the system.”

The issues are intertwined. Our problems are systemic and rooted in the capability of the government to deliver, and the integrity of our institutions.

It is clear that piecemeal “liberalisation” and measure-by-measure reform on a politicised timetable is not going to do the job.

What we need is a whole new policy framework, based on a comprehensive vision that addresses root problems in security, institutional integrity, education and government capability.

What we need to do is address our crisis with the bold statecraft from which the NEP itself originated, not cling to a problematic framework that does little justice to our high aspirations.

The challenge of leadership is to tell the truth about our situation, no matter how unpalatable, to bring people together around that solution, and to move them to act together on that solution.

If the problem is really that we face a foundational crisis, then it is not liberalisation of the NEP, or even liberalisation per se that we need.

From the depths of the global economic slowdown it is abundantly clear that the autonomous free market is neither equitable nor even sustainable.

There is no substitute for putting our heads together and coming up with wise policy. We need a Malaysian New Deal based on the same universal concerns on which the NEP was originally formulated but designed for a new era: we must continue to eradicate poverty without regard for race or religion, and ensure that markets serve the people rather than the other way around.

Building on the desire for unity based social justice that motivated the NEP in 1971, let us assist 100 per cent of Malaysians who need help in improving their livelihoods and educating their children.

We want the full participation of all stakeholders in our economy. A fair and equitable political and economic order, founded on equal citizenship as guaranteed in our Constitution, is the only possible basis for a united Malaysia and a prerequisite of the competitive, talent-driven economy we must create if we are to make our economic leap.

If we could do this, we would restore national confidence, we would bring Malaysians together in common cause to build a country that all feel a deep sense of belonging to. We would unleash the kind of investment we need, not just of foreign capital but of the loyalty, effort and commitment of all Malaysians.

I don’t know about you. I am embarrassed that after 50 years of independence, we are still talking about bringing Malaysians together. I would have wished that by now, and here tonight, we could be talking about how we can conquer new challenges together.


* Tengku Razaleigh shared his views with Public Relations Consultants Malaysia at “StraightTalk” on July 10, 2009, at HELP University College, Damansara, Kuala Lumpur

Friday, July 10, 2009

Kes Tak Paham Bahasa

Cerita 1
Seorang jurugambar mengambil gambar seorang tua yang menyambut hari jadinya yang ke-80 berkata, "Saya berharap dapat mengambil gambar anda lagi tahun depan. "Mengapa tidak anak muda, bukankah kamu masih muda dan bertenaga!!"

Cerita 2
"Mak saya tak pernah beri perhatian langsung pada saya. Bagaimana dengan emak awak ?" "Entah... ... saya pun tak pernah dengar emak saya menyebut nama awak depan saya!!"

Cerita 3
Seorang guru bertanyakan pada anak muridnya pada hari keputusan peperiksaan SPM keluar.
Cikgu : Tahniah, kerana mendapat keputusan cemerlang!
Pelajar : Terima kasih cikgu.
Cikgu : Saya tahu, kamu telah buat yang terbaik untuk peperiksaan kamu. Jadi apa rancangan kamu selepas ini ?
Pelajar : Balik ke rumah!!

Cerita 4
Seorang ibu dengan marahnya bertanyakan anak lelakinya yang hensem mengapa dia balik lambat, pukul 4 pagi ketika itu...
"Eh,baru balik..?" tanya si ibu sinis.
"Ya, mak.." jawab si anak sopan. Si ibu yang tengah mendidih, kemudian meninggikan suara.
"Haa,dah pukul 4 pagi dah. Mengapa balik..?!!!"Tengking si ibu.
"Nak sarapan!" balas si anak pendek.

Thursday, July 9, 2009

Orang Gila Nasihat Orang Gila

Mat, lelaki gila berumur 35 tahun baru saja terlepas dari wadnya. Beliau lari sekuat hati kerana dikepung oleh sepasukan petugas hospital. Tiba di tepi pagar Mat lantas memanjang satu tiang lampu yang tinggi. Ketua unit jaga yang mengawal hospital datang dan mengarahkan Mat turun, Mat tidak mahu turun. Datang pula pengarah hospital, "Mat!!Turun Mat nanti jatuh", katanya. Mat tidak mahu turun juga.

Dipanggilnya pihak bomba, "Mat! Turun Mat, kalu tidak kami potong tiang lampu ini" kata seorang pegawai bomba sambil mengacu-acukan gergaji elektrik di pangkal tiang lampu itu., Namun Mat tidak bergerak pun untuk turun. Dipanggilnya pihak polis, "Mat turun Mat!"teriak seorang sarjan polis, kalau engkau tak turun nanti kami bom tiang ini dan engkau akan mati!!Turun Mat!. Mat tidak turun-turun juga.

Lama-lama pengarah hospital pergi berjumpa dengan Man, seorang teman Mat dalam wad gila itu kalau-kalau dia boleh membantu. "Man!Harap-harap Man boleh tolong turunkan Mat dari atas tiang lampu"Tolonglah Man ya!

Jawab Man"Ohhh!!!Itu senang saja" Lalu Man dibawa kepada tiang lampu itu.

Setibanya di situ, pengarah hospital pun berkata, "Man! Man nak pilih alat yang mana? Sama ada gergaji atau pun bom itu. "Ahh!Man nak gergaji!"

Baiklah! Ambillah gergaji itu. Lalu Man mengangkat gergaji dan mengacu-acukan pada pangkal tiang lampu itu. Man pun berteriak, Hoi Mat!!!Hang turun, kalau hang tak turun aku tebang tiang lampu ni!!Hang turun lekas!!

Mendengarkan amaran itu Mat yang berada hampir 3 jam di atas tiang itu pun turun dengan pantas lalu ditangkap oleh para petugas hospital. Pemberita pun datang menemubual Mat. "Kenapa Mat turun bila Man datang sedangkan bomba dan polis datang Mat tak turun?

Jawab Mat; "Polis ker bomba ka, depa tak akan buat!Tapi Man ni apabila dia kata lagu tue dia akan buat sungguh sebab Man tue GILA!

my note : hmmm...kita ni selalu je kata nak buat, tapi tak buat-buat juga. entahlah siapa yang gila....

Wednesday, July 8, 2009

J. Canfield & M. V. Hansen Quotes

“Almost everything we’ll ever do in life that is really powerful, that really

produces a result in our lives, that quantum-leaps us to a new level . . .

requires us to do something uncomfortable. It takes risks to achieve. It’s often scary. It requires something you didn’t know before or a skill you didn’t have before. But in the end, it’s worth it. As former Congressman Ed Forman says, ‘Winners are those people who make a habit of doing things losers are uncomfortable doing.’ Make today your day to start that uncomfortable new habit.”

– Jack Canfield

“When we accomplish a goal, it instantly loses some of its importance and we tend to lose interest. When we write down too many goals, there is plenty to keep our subconscious mind at work.”

- Mark Victor Hansen

“When you accomplish a goal, don’t cross it out. Instead, write ‘victory’

next to it and move on to the next one. This way, whenever you have a bad day, all you have to do is to review your victories to feel good about yourself.”

– Jack Canfield

“Our inner image of ourselves and what we want to accomplish in life helps to make us what we are meant to be.”

- Mark Victor Hansen

“Psychologists tell us we think 50,000 thoughts a day…between 1,000 and 5,000 thoughts in a single hour. Many of those thoughts are about ourselves and about our performance, about our lovability, our capability and our significance. So the key is to control those thoughts, making certain they’re always positive.”

– Jack Canfield

“If you do things the same way you’ve always done them, you’ll get the same outcomes you’ve always gotten. In order to change your outcomes, you’ve got to do things differently.”

- Mark Victor Hansen

“One Dad I know uses what I call Post-It® Note therapy on his

children. He leaves sticky Post-It Notes everywhere …in their lunch box, inside their shoes, on top of their sandwich before he wraps it up. He once went into his daughter’s room, looking for his hammer, and on the back of her bedroom door were every Post-It Note he’d ever given her - over 250 in all with simple messages like ‘Great job’…’I love you’…or

‘You’re special to me.’ Do you think that girl knew, without a doubt, that her Dad valued her and loved her? “

– Jack Canfield

“When you improve your business, life, relationships, finances and your health, the whole world improves.”

- Mark Victor Hansen

“If you want something new in your life, you have to make space for it. I mean that psychologically as well as physically. Take a look at your closet. If you have the kind of closet where you can’t fit another thing in there, that might be the reason you don’t have more new clothes. If you want a new man in your life, you’ve got to let go of the one who stopped dating you five years ago. In other words, you need to complete the past in order for the present to show up more fully.”

– Jack Canfield

“Life, nature and God always answer, ‘Yes,’ to you. What are you asking for?”

- Mark Victor Hansen

“Peter Thigpen, formerly Vice-President at Levi Strauss & Company, always kept a victory log. In it, he listed his accomplishments like…Opened up China as a market, Got my teenage son to clean up his room, Got the Board of Directors to approve the new expansion plan. Whenever he faced something really daunting, like negotiating a major bank loan, he would review his Victory Log. You can do the same. In fact, when you focus on tasks completed successfully, it gives you the expectancy of success, which can change your entire posture or approach going forward.”

– Jack Canfield

“A self-fulfilling prophecy is that you get what you expect. Why not create great expectations and the highest vision possible for yourself and the whole world?”

- Mark Victor Hansen

“The greatest deficit in America isn’t the trade deficit. It’s the attention deficit of our children. The average child gets 14 minutes of attention a day from each of his parents. So the greatest thing you can give a kid is time spent listening to him or her.”

– Jack Canfield

“The majority of people meet with failure because they lack the persistence to create new plans to take the place of failed plans.”

- Mark Victor Hansen

“Self-esteem does not mean feeling good all the time. Self-esteem means loving yourself even when you feel badly…even when you make a mistake. It means loving yourself even when you’re depressed. It means that you accept yourself fully.”

– Jack Canfield

“When you have purpose, you don’t have time for negativity.”

- Mark Victor Hansen

“I have a friend, a pastor, who applied with me and 419 other people for 25 seats on a special advisory board. Though I believed she was infinitely more qualified than me, she wasn’t selected and I was. When I saw her at her church weeks later, I asked her how she felt about the decision. While disappointment, self-doubt and defeat would have been normal reactions to the Board’s decision, my friend said she felt great.

‘How come?’ I asked. She said with a smile, ‘I just figured God had something better in store for me.’”

– Jack Canfield

“Amaze yourself; manifest your full potential.” - Mark Victor Hansen

“The meaning of self-esteem is to feel lovable and capable. As parents, we must love our children unconditionally and give them a sense of being nurtured. That’s the lovable part. Then, we must provide structure - rules, boundaries, daily or weekly household tasks that give them a sense they are making a contribution. That’s what helps kids grow up feeling capable.”

– Jack Canfield

“Be passionately on purpose about your right livelihood”

- Mark Victor Hansen

Saturday, July 4, 2009

How to Find Romance in 30 Days

How to Find Romance in 30 Days

Get tips on finding love in 30 days — from getting back out there, to common relationships mistakes people make, to managing your expectations about love — along with five ways to get started.

By Ariane de Bonvoisin

I haven't gone on a date in years. What's the best way for me to get back out there?
The first step is to do what makes you feel good about yourself: Get back to the gym, take an art class, spend the afternoon playing fetch with your dog. Radiating self-love is like being a taxi with its "available for hire" light on. The more comfortable you are in your own skin and the happier you are with your life, the more you'll attract someone with equal self-worth.

Know that you're not going to meet the right person immediately but that each date will bring you closer to the relationship you want. Think of every date as a piece of a puzzle: What did the experience show you about what you need? What did the guy do or not do that you liked (or didn't)? In time the pieces will come together, and life will bring the person who's meant for you.

What mistakes do people make when looking for a new relationship?
Often times, we're too focused on what we want and don't want — he has to be tall, funny, a nonsmoker — and that list hinders us from even getting to know people who fall outside of those requirements. But the right guy for you rarely fits that exact picture. And when a guy does have those qualities, we talk ourselves into staying with him even if our gut tells us he's not the one.

Your intuition is clearest during the first few dates, so pay close attention early on. After that, emotions take over, making it harder to listen to your gut. I remember after the first date with my ex, I knew the three reasons why it wouldn't work. Sure enough, those were the reasons we broke up a year later. A few key questions can help you: How does this guy make me feel? Happy? Insecure? Can I trust him? You'll know when a relationship feels right.

I often want too much too soon. How can I manage my expectations?
Expectations are dangerous because they can set us up for disappointment and prevent us from staying open to being surprised. Just think about what you expect from a date and you'll realize how long a list you have — maybe you expect him to pay for dinner or kiss you a certain way. When your expectations aren't met, you feel let down and blame him.

Also, when you're living in anticipation of bigger milestones — the first time you two sleep together or the first time he tells you he loves you — that keeps you from really being present and enjoying the excitement of the getting-to-know-you process. So think of falling in love as an adventure, and try to notice and appreciate the little things, such as how he holds your hand or brushes hair out of your face. You'll discover lots of joy and fun along the way.

***

Looking for Love — 5 Ways to Get Started

1. Get a life. Maintain an exciting schedule full of friends, hobbies, and activities you love. Being happy in your life will draw others to you.

2. Get out there. Take advantage of online dating services, blind dates set up by friends, or classes where you might connect with someone with similar interests. Keep an open mind — you never know whom you'll discover.

3. Don't be shy. Make eye contact, smile, and start conversations. Nothing is more attractive than someone who is interested in the world.

4. Move on. If you feel sure that a guy doesn't have what you're seeking, don't keep seeing him. Each additional date with the wrong person is a missed opportunity to meet the right one.

5. Enjoy the journey. You're meeting new people, trying new activities, and exploring the fun, sexy side of yourself. The guy for you will come when the time is right.
—Nicole Yorio

More from MSN Lifestyle Site Search: For additional content on finding love, click here.

Friday, July 3, 2009

How To Win Friends & Influence People

Fundamental technique in handling people

1. Don't criticize, condemn or complain

2. Give honest and sincere appreciation

3. Arouse in other person an eager want


Six ways to make people like you

1. Become genuinely interested in other people

2. Smile

3. Remember that a person's name is to that person the sweetest and most important sound in any language

4. Be a good listener. Encourage others to talk about themselves

5. Talk in terms of other person's interests

6. Make the other person feel important - and do it sincerely


How to win people in to your way of thinking

1. The only way to get the best of an argument is to avoid it

2. Show respect for the other person's opinions. Never say, you're wrong'

3.If you are wrong, admit it quickly and emphatically

4.Begin in a friendly way

5.Get the other person saying "yes, yes' immediately

6.Let the other person do a great deal of the talking

7.Let the other person feel that the idea is his or hers

8.Try honestly to see things from the other person's point of view

9.Be sympathetic with the other person's ideas and desires

10. Appeal to the nobler motives

11. Dramatize your idea

12.Throw down a challange

Thursday, July 2, 2009

Lawak Nama Jepun

Kalau yang sedang boring-boring tu tak tau nak buat apa, dalam kepala otak asyik fikir POLITIK, REFORMASI dan lapar dahaga sahaja, apa kata kita berhibur sikit dengan lawak nama jepun ni.

01. Yang pemarah - KEIJI CACIMAKI

02. Yang suka berjimat - SAYORI

05. Yang suka layan blues - APO NADIKATO

06. Yang suka belajar - ASHIKO ULANGKAJI

07. Yang kerap bikin kacau - WAKASI HURUHARASUKAMURA

03. Yang bisu - KIETA TADASORA

04. Yang suka makan nasi - NANACHI KASIBANYA

08. Yang sangat kedekut - MATIMATI TAMOKASI

09. Yang suka sangat tidur - ICHIBAN TIDOMATI

10. Yang suka mengintai - HINTAI AKOSUKA

11. Yang tua - TARAGIGI PADAMOKA

12. Yang kena tinggal bini - SUSAHATI BINILARI

13. Yang suka merempit - SAJA CARIMATI

14. Yang Lembab - AYUMI SIPUTBABI

Pantun Klasik Moden

Buah cempedak di luar pagar
Ambil galah tolong jolokkan
Kenapa kau nak jolok pakai galah
Sebab cempedak tu dah jatuh kat luar pagar .



Kalau ada sumur di ladang
Bolehlah hamba menumpang mandi
Patutlah bau badan kau busuk semacam
Bilik air ada, buat apa kau mandi kat ladang..



Pisang emas dibawa berlayar
Masak sebiji di atas peti
Kat pasaraya tak ada hutang hutang
Kalau nak, bayar, Cash On Delivery



Kalau ada jarum yang patah
Jangan di simpan di dalam peti
Kesian betul dengan kau ni
Jarum patah pun kau simpan dalam peti.



Dua tiga kucing berlari
Mana nak sama si kucing belang
Kalau kau berani kejarlah kucing tu
Mesti kau kena cakar sampai berbelang-belang gak..



Kajang Pak Malau kajang berlipat
Kajang hamba mengkuang layu
Kain Pak Malau, Mak Limah yang lipat
Kain aku, si pencuri yang sapu



Rumah Pak Mamat di tepi sawah
Pakai langsir berwarna biru
Ooi Pak Mat, langsir warna biru tak lawa lah
Pakailah warna kuning ke, hijau ke, kelabu asap ke.



Air pasang dalam surut pukul lima
Nyonya bangun pagi siram pokok bunga
Haloo nyonya, mau tanya sikit
Siram pokok bunga aje, tak jual sayur ka?



Tuai padi antara masak
Esok jangan layu-layuan
Kalau padi tu belumlah masak
Janganlah tuai, taklah layu-layuan. .



Limau purut masak di dahan
Batang selasih condong uratnya
Limau purut tak boleh makan
Nanti sakit perut apa ubatnya.



Pulau Pandan jauh ke tengah
Gunung Daik bercabang tiga
Buat apa nak ke Pulau Pandan yang jauh tu
Pergi aje ke Kampung Pandan



Sorong papan tarik padan
Buah keranji dalam perahu
Tolonglah jangan makan buah keranji tu
Nanti badan kau orang berbau.



Hayya Cik Siti, perempuan banyak muda
Ana banyak takut jalan tutup mata
Memanglah takut kalau jalan tutup mata
Sebab takut terpijak lubang Indah Water



Encik Baba jatuh dalam parit
Cik Aminah ketawa jerit jerit
Sampai hati Cik Aminah ketawakan saya jerit-jerit
Mentang-mentanglah saya jatuh dalam parit



Buai laju laju
Sampai pokok sena
Woii, jangan buai laju-laju
Nanti kang tercampak kat pokok sena



Timang tinggi-tinggi
Sampai cucur atap
Cucur atap tak sedap
Cucuk pisang, cucur udang, haaa tu sedap